2010年10月29日 星期五

中國稀土解禁 再開放運美日歐

 
稀土礦業人士說,中國無預警停止對歐美和日本的稀土出口後,28日突然解禁,不過對日本的出口作業仍有一些麻煩。
《紐約時報》報導,中國在9月21日停止運交稀土給日本,10月18日對歐美展開禁運。但是,業者表示,中國海關28日上午已恢復對這三地的稀土出口作業,只是運往日本的貨品仍然受到額外審查,作業有點延誤。
和開始禁運一樣,中國官方並未正式承認禁運結束,中國海關總署的兩個部門28日晚拒絕評論稀土出口現況,處理貿易政策的商務部也未立即評論。
中國是在美國國務卿希拉蕊宣布將到中國訪問之後一天半,對稀土出口解禁。希拉蕊27日在檀香山與日本外相前原誠司會談後說,中國中止稀土出口有如醍醐灌頂,使美日體認到自己必須尋找別的供應來源。
希拉蕊說,她30日在海南島與中國國務委員戴秉國會談時,將提出中國停止稀土出口的問題。由於時差,希拉蕊莉發表談話時,中國已恢復稀土的出口作業。
中國控制全球95%的稀土產量,過去五年卻一再減少稀土出口配額,遠不足以應付全球需求。稀土金屬對製造各種高科技產品不可或缺,而全球需要的中國稀土一年接近5萬公噸,可是中國今年的出口配額只有3萬300公噸,目前只剩下幾千公噸,每公噸價格飛漲到大約4萬美元。
中國限制稀土出口,導致稀土金屬在海外價格比在中國高出多達十倍,更加鼓勵廠商把工廠遷到中國,以就地取材降低成本。
中國只對稀土成分占50%以上的原料規定出口限額,而歐美大多向中國購買高度加工的粉末,因此稀土禁運對它們影響不大,不像日本大多進口稀土自行加工。
日本雖對中國的禁運表示震驚,不過日本企業近年來已囤積大量稀土,沒有工廠因供應不繼而停擺。
【2010/10/29 聯合晚報】 @ http://udn.com/

2010年10月16日 星期六

Lamy says more and more products are “Made in the World

http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/sppl_e/sppl174_e.htm

Director-General Pascal Lamy, in his speech to the French Senate in Paris on 15 October, asked for a new way to look at trade statistics, noting that the country of origin of goods has gradually become obsolete as various operations, from design to manufacture of components and assembly, have spread across the world. He cited the example of an iPod that may be imported from China but a lot of its value come from the United States and other countries. This is what he said:




Globalization of the Industrial Production Chains and Measuring International Trade in Value Added





Mr J. Arthuis, Chairman of the Senate’s Finance Commission,

Representatives of the Government and Institutions of the French Republic,

Ambassadors and representatives of WTO Members and Observers,

Esteemed experts,

Ladies and Gentlemen



It is a great honour for me to be here among you today to open, together with my friend Jean Arthuis, this conference on a subject that is particularly close to my heart.



It must be fairly unusual for the Senate to host, within its ornamental walls, a statistical seminar. But that we should meet here to examine the statistical aspects of the measurement of foreign trade in the light of the new challenges brought about by globalization is an all-time first, and I am grateful to the Senate for realizing the importance of the subject. The challenge is not only for statisticians, but also, and above all, for the decision makers responsible for ensuring the proper conduct of domestic and international policy.



Public affairs and official statistics have long been good bedfellows. The original idea was to draw up an inventory of the Prince’s wealth in an essentially agrarian economy. Statistical production has evolved according to need in an economy that became increasingly complex following the industrial revolution and the advent of the service society the intangible products of human activity that are a headache not only for statisticians, but also for trade negotiators. But national accounts continue to be based on the idea of an inventory of what is “ours” and what is “theirs” (in technical language, the notion of “resident” and “non resident” in establishing the country’s balance sheet, its balance of payments).



When the needs of economic and social policy change, statistics must follow along, and better late than never. It took the 1929 crisis for national accounting, invented by the Physiocrats in the 18th Century, to take over, after the second world war, as the main economic frame of reference for both decision makers and statisticians. As a result, analysts had better statistical tools for testing their theories and coming up with new theories: while analytical progress leads the way for statistics, it is statistics, in their turn, that correct and alter our perception of economic and social phenomena, enabling theory to put forward new interpretations.



It may not be a coincidence that the recent global crisis, unprecedented in its intensity since the Great Depression, revived analysts’ interest in improving the statistical instruments on which States rely in analysing economic trends and determining what policies to adopt. The fact that statistics rely on analytical progress to improve their figures and that political decision makers use them to guide their choices enhances the public debate. More often than not, these statistical improvements take place progressively thanks to greater conceptual precision, to increased efficiency in the methods used, and to added efforts to produce data.



In approaching the matter that brings us together here today, what we will be doing is taking a quantum leap and examining, from a different angle, two of the underlying concepts of international trade and balance of payments statistics, namely the notion of country of origin, and the concept of resident as opposed to non resident.



In the 19th Century, when Ricardo developed what was to become the foundations of international trade theory, countries exported what they produced. In fact, the industrial revolution took root in countries that had coal mines and iron ore. A Portuguese entrepreneur importing a steam engine from England would know that everything from the steel of the wheels to the boiler pressure gauge came from the United Kingdom. Similarly, an English club importing Port wine for its members could be sure that it came from Portugal.



Today, Port wine is still of Portuguese origin. Thanks to progress on registered designations of origin, the English importer today is in fact more certain of this than his 19th Century counterpart. However, the concept of country of origin for manufactured goods has gradually become obsolete as the various operations, from the design of the product to the manufacture of the components, assembly and marketing have spread across the world, creating international production chains. Nowadays, more and more products are “Made in the World” rather than “Made in the UK” or “Made in France”.



Most likely “Made in China”, you might add!



This is what many people today mistakenly believe. What we call “Made in China” is indeed assembled in China, but what makes up the commercial value of the product comes from the numerous countries that preceded its assembly in China in the global value chain, from its design to the manufacture of the different components and the organization of the logistical support to the chain as a whole. In other words, the production of goods and services can no longer be considered “monolocated”, but rather, “multilocated”. As a result, the notion of “relocation”, which made sense in the past when referring to the production of a product or service at a single location, loses much of its meaning. If I relocate a segment of the production chain for reasons of economies of scale, and others relocate to my area for the same reasons, the impact on my total value added, i.e. roughly speaking, my employment, may be neutral, negative or positive; and nowadays, it is this balance that we have to look at very closely. If we continue, in this context, to base our economic policy decisions on incomplete statistics, our analyses could be flawed and lead us to the wrong solutions.



For instance, every time an iPod is imported to the United States, the totality of its declared customs value (150 dollars) is ascribed as if it were an import from China, contributing a bit more to the trade imbalance between the two countries. But if we look at the national origin of the added value incorporated in the final product, we note that a significant share corresponds to reimportation by the US, and the rest to the bilateral balance with Japan or Korea which should be allocated according to their contribution to that added value. In fact, according to American researchers, less than 10 of the 150 dollars actually come from China, and all the rest is just re exportation. In the circumstances, a re evaluation of the yuan — a topic which is very much in vogue these days — would only have a modest impact on the sales price of the final product and would probably not restore the competitiveness of competing products manufactured elsewhere.



Similarly, the statistical bias created by attributing the full commercial value to the last country of origin can pervert the political debate on the origin of the imbalances and lead to misguided, and hence counter-productive, decisions. Reverting to the symbolic case of the bilateral deficit between China and the United States, a series of estimates based on true domestic content cuts the deficit by half, if not more.



This impression is confirmed by other figures, if we accept to “debilateralize” them: if we look at the US trade deficit with Asia rather than its bilateral deficit with China, we note a remarkable stability over the past 25 years at something like 2 to 3 per cent of the United States’ GDP.



As for the impact on employment — understandably a rather sensitive issue in these times of economic crisis — once again the result can be surprising. Reverting to the case of the iPod, another study by the same authors estimates that on a global scale, its manufacture accounted for 41,000 jobs in 2006 of which 14,000 were located in the United States, 6,000 of them professional posts. Since American workers are more qualified and better paid, they earned more than 750 million dollars, while only 320 million less than half — went to workers abroad.



In this example, case studies have shown that the innovating country earns most of the profits; but traditional statistics tend to focus on the last link of the chain, the one which ultimately earns the least. Don’t get me wrong, I am not saying that this is always the case and that relocations always create more jobs than they destroy. You will probably have the opportunity to discuss the matter here.



But I simply wanted to highlight the paradoxes and the misunderstandings that arise when new phenomena are measured using old methods. Statistical survey experts know very well that “if you ask the wrong person, you will get the wrong answer”. Similarly, if you analyse a phenomenon using the wrong “measurements”, you will reach the wrong conclusions.



As pointed out in a study published in 2009 by the Senate on the measurement of France’s foreign trade, “traditional measurement of foreign trade alone no longer suffices to explain how [the country] fits into the world economy”. In other words, the time has come to explore new channels so that accounting and statistical systems can take account of the new geography of international trade in an economy which, in the words of the American Tom Friedman, has flattened under the influence of globalization and internationalization of production relations. In today’s world, the old mercantilist notion of “us” against “them”, of “resident” against “rest of world”, has lost much of its meaning.



However, to avoid any misunderstandings on the WTO’s objectives in this new area of research, I would like to say to the statisticians here today that we are certainly not “deconstructing” the national and international statistical system or “displacing” certain elements of that system. On the contrary, we are trying to “relocate” and “reorganize” in a more integrated context the sparse information available today in different and separate subsectors of the existing systems. Although it is true that today, the notion of resident/non resident has lost some of its relevance when it comes to understanding the microeconomic reality of world value chains, the fact remains that it is the concept of national territory that counts when it comes to public policy. Similarly, national accounts must remain the unifying framework for the different statistical subsystems.



The challenge, then, is to find the right statistical bridges between the different national accounting systems in order to ensure that international interactions resulting from globalization are properly reflected and to facilitate cross border dialogue between national decision makers. This reconstruction work, involving a more structural incorporation of national trade, industrial and employment statistics in a globalized vision, clearly has to rely on reinforced statistical cooperation among multilateral organizations. And I would like to stress, here, the coordinating role that has to be played by organizations like the OECD, Eurostat, the specialized United Nations Agencies and the Monetary Fund — not to mention the WTO — in this revision project.



Let me conclude by thanking, once again, the Senate’s Financial Commission for taking the initiative of organizing this conference, and all of the participants who were willing to share their knowledge and experience with us. We need only consult the speaker’s list to see that the discussions will be on a high scientific and technical level. The reputation for wisdom associated with the discussions of this illustrious institution serves as a guarantee that high quality technical proposals will ultimately fall upon attentive and competent ears.



Finally, I would like to thank the participants who responded to the joint invitation by the Senate and the WTO, in particular the representatives of the permanent missions and observers who travelled from Geneva or from their capitals for this occasion. Their presence here bears testimony to their interest in these discussions that are so crucial to understanding international trade today, and I am certain that your work here in the Senate will help to enlighten our debates in Geneva.

2010年10月7日 星期四

稀土大戰!美商界促歐巴馬向中施壓









包括美國商會 (U.S. Chamber of Commerce)在內的美國工商團體,6日敦促歐巴馬政府向中國施壓,促其放寬稀土出口管制。
美國商會中國事務資深理事華特曼說:「我們希望美國政府取得中國政府的承諾,取消銷售稀土的出口稅和配額,不要干預稀土的商業銷售。」
他說,希望今年稍後在華府舉行的美中商業貿易聯合委員會會議能夠處理這個問題。
美國政府正舉行有關中國遵守世界貿易組織 (WTO)規定情況的聽證,以蒐集提供給美國年度報告的資料。華特曼向一組歐巴馬政府官員發表前述談話。
電子能源公司 (Electron Energy Corp.)副總裁丹特告訴官員小組,他認為,中國限制稀土和稀土氧化物出口,違反WTO規章。電子能源是美國最後一家生產釤鈷磁鐵(samarium cobalt magnet)的公司,供商業用途和國防使用。
丹特說,中國目前控制全球將近百分之百的稀土、97%的稀土氧化物,並說,中國近年來採取許多措施限制稀土出口,包括今年7月宣布把稀土出口配額大幅削減72%,造成稀土價格大漲三倍多。
他說:「我們要表達我們對稀土市場混亂的嚴重關切,並強調,美國政府需要與可靠的工業夥伴和盟國合作,制訂維護國家安全利益的工業和貿易政策。」
【2010/10/07 聯合晚報】 @ http://udn.com/

2010年10月6日 星期三

Panel report out on US-China poultry dispute

http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/news10_e/392r_e.htm

China imposes anti-dumping duties on US broiler chicken

China imposes anti-dumping duties on US broiler chicken






Monday, September 27, 2010

AFP



BEIJING -- China will levy anti-dumping duties of up to 105 percent on imports of U.S. chicken products, the government said Sunday, in a move likely to ratchet up trade tensions between the two nations.

"The U.S. chicken industry has dumped broiler products into the Chinese market and caused substantial damage to the domestic industry," the commerce ministry said in a statement on its website.



The duties take effect on Monday, it said.



China will slap anti-dumping levies of over 50 percent on up to 35 U.S. chicken broiler exporters including Tyson Foods Inc., Keystone Foods LLC, Pilgrim's Pride Corporation and Sanderson Farms Inc., the statement said.



Levies of over 105 percent will be placed on imported chicken broilers, a type of chicken raised specifically for meat production, from all other U.S. producers, it said.



The measures will apply for five years and follow up preliminary tariffs on the same products issued by the ministry in February.



According to China's state-run Xinhua news agency, the U.S. exported 584,000 tonnes of chicken products to China in 2008, up 12 percent year-on-year.



In the first half of 2009, China imported 305,000 tonnes of chicken products from the United States, representing 89 percent of China's total chicken imports, it said.



China and the United States have been at odds over a range of trade issues from steel to paper to chemicals, amid a spat over the value of the yuan, which critics say has been kept low to give Chinese exporters an unfair advantage.



Late last month, China slapped countervailing duties of four to 30.3 percent on U.S. broiler imports, in what the ministry called final tariffs on U.S. chicken products that had benefited from unfair subsidies.









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