2011年9月21日 星期三

台日投資協議今簽署 開放超WTO底線

台日投資協議今簽署 開放超WTO底線


台灣與日本今天將在台北簽署一項範圍廣泛的「台日民間投資協議」,經濟部長施顏祥昨天形容,這是台灣第一個與主要貿易夥伴簽署的「進步型、全盤性投資協議」,內容包括投資保障、促進、自由化三大項。
值得注意的是,為免挑動兩岸敏感神經,台日明天簽署的文件將稱為「協議」,而非「國與國」慣用的投資「協定」。
台灣目前與廿九個國家有簽「投資保障協定」,大多是中、南美洲國家,我國一直未與主要貿易夥伴國家簽署投資保障協定。官員還說,過去簽署的協定也僅限於「投資保障」,未觸及投資開放及自由化,因此施顏祥以「進步型、全盤性」形容台日的協議。
經濟部官員指出,所謂自由化,是指台日協議中將包括製造業與服務業市場開放清單,而且是超越現有對WTO(世界貿易組織)承諾開放底線,是「超WTO」。
台、日雙方雖採取「國民待遇原則」,即對方企業與本國企業待遇相同,但還是會有一些限制,例如,某些未開放給外資的產業仍會在限制之列,但將採負面表列方式。
另外,經濟部官員強調,目前兩岸正在談判的投資保障協議中,為讓台灣成為跨國企業投資重鎮,有放寬「適用對象」,若是簽署完成,未來日商只要在台灣設立子公司、成為台灣法人機構,經台灣到大陸投資,可與台商享有相同的投資保護,對日商是一大誘因。
台灣鎖定前幾大貿易夥伴包括日本、美國為簽署投資協議的主要對象,並希望走向簽署FTA(自由貿易協定)。官員說,台灣與美國雖然在談TIFA(台美貿易暨投資架構協定),但因為美牛問題,遲遲無法往下走;台日投資協議從二○○九年開始談判,因為日幣升值、日本地震、兩岸關係改善等原因,讓台日關係先馳得點。
【2011/09/22 聯合報】 @ http://udn.com/

2011年6月13日 星期一

非洲 推動大自貿區

 
非洲26國領袖12日在南非約翰尼斯堡召開高峰會,推動自由貿易談判,希望成立一個規模達8,750億美元的自由貿易市場,以提升黑色大陸的全球經濟地位。
這個「大自貿區」("Grand" FTA)的經濟規模將為全非最大,從南非開普敦到埃及開羅跨越26國,境內人口多達7億。南非總統祖馬(Jacob Zuma)在會前表示:「這是我們此生在這塊大陸上達成經濟自由的重大突破。我們必須持續建立團結的非洲大陸,免於貧窮、疾病、剝削和衝突。」
大自貿區將結合現有、有時會重疊的三個自貿聯盟。但這三個聯盟各有不同規範,部分國家還隸屬不只一個聯盟,使簡化貿易的努力變得更複雜。
整合這些貿易聯盟的想法在2008年非洲高峰會上獲得支持。非洲開發程度最高的南非和埃及,以及最有活力安哥拉和伊索比亞,都將納入大自貿區。擁有五個成員國的東非共同體(EAC)發表聲明說:「建立大自貿區可望促成快速經濟成長,釋放非洲發展潛能,為這塊大陸的整合立下歷史里程碑。」
但大自貿區的談判尚面臨重大障礙,包括關稅壁壘、基礎建設落後、供應鏈脆弱,以及經濟體經常仰賴自然資源而非工業製品的問題。
儘管已取消許多貿易關稅,但現有三個自貿聯盟(以東非共同體最先進)的會員國間貿易額也未達預定目標,而且一些國家至今仍深陷衝突、政變與政局動盪泥淖,如利比亞、馬達加斯加、蘇丹和辛巴威。
非洲開發銀行(ADB)區域整合及貿易主管魯甘巴(Alex Rugamba)說:「大自貿區是個漫長過程,約須兩到五年成形。這不是輕鬆任務,但各國願意展開協商已令人振奮。」
【2011/06/13 經濟日報】

2010年12月8日 星期三

美國對中國特定產品課徵反傾銷及平衡稅案 & 簡析中國銀聯獨占支付卡交易服務所涉及之GATS問題

http://www.tradelaw.nccu.edu.tw/epaper_html/經貿法訊電子報第108期.htm


美國對中國特定產品課徵反傾銷及平衡稅案
—以同時課徵反傾銷稅和平衡稅之雙重救濟問題為中心


反傾銷稅及平衡稅皆是為了解決不公平貿易之貿易救濟機制,然兩者之救濟目的與實行方式並不相同:徵收反傾銷稅之目的乃為救濟因出口國廠商低價傾銷以致受有損害之進口國產業,故著重於填補正常價格與出口價格間之差異...(詳全文)



簡析中國銀聯獨占支付卡交易服務所涉及之GATS問題

中國於2001年加入世界貿易組織(World Trade Organization,以下簡稱WTO),作為其入會承諾之一部的服務貿易特定承諾表,於「銀行和其它金融服務(Banking and Other Financial Services)」服務部門項下列有「支付(payment)和貨幣匯送(money transaction)服務」,並於該項目下承諾入會後5年內移除所有非審慎措施之限制...(詳全文)

2010年11月29日 星期一

Appellate Body issues report on Australia-New Zealand apples dispute

The WTO Appellate Body issued its report (WT/DS367/AB/R) on 29 November 2010 on Australia’s appeal in the case “Australia — Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand” (DS367).


http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/news10_e/367abr_e.htm

2010年11月18日 星期四

FTA的下世代議題崛起了

【經濟日報╱社論】 2010.11.17 03:43 am






今年的亞太經濟合作會議(APEC)領袖宣言指出,要強化APEC區域的貿易自由化與經濟整合,達成茂物目標(Bogor Goal),亦即在2020年以前,完成亞太地區貿易與投資的自由化與開放。伴隨這次領袖宣言的三份聲明中,並以檢視茂物目標進展、達成亞太自由貿易區(FTAAP)的可行途徑為主軸。值得注意的是,在「達成FTAAP的可行途徑」這份聲明中,特別強調未來的FTAAP,應注重於解決「下世代」的貿易與投資議題。隨著FTAAP的逐漸成形,當政府還在為「跟誰談」傷腦筋之際,也必須開始重視「下世代」貿易與投資議題的發展,把「談什麼」納入洽簽FTA的整體思維中。



傳統的FTA諮商所注重的議題,主要是關稅削減及市場進入限制解除等所謂「邊境上」的障礙。但是,隨著各國關稅稅率的不斷降低、服務業市場的持續開放,這些傳統議題的重要性也逐步下降;取而代之的,是經濟合作、智慧財產權保護、檢驗檢疫、競爭政策、政府採購、電子商務,乃至於跨境消費者保護及環境、勞工等所謂「邊境內」的議題。最近如美國、歐盟與澳洲等先進國家的FTA中,這些「下世代」議題已占有很高的比重。



面對這些新的FTA遊戲規則,我國必須正視並及早預做準備。但是,過去FTA相關政策說明中,仍環繞在傳統關稅與市場准入優劣勢分析上,各種研究報告亦以可量化的關稅增減與服務業開放為研析主軸。從這些角度看,下世代的FTA議題確實不易以傳統的量化方式評估,也可能沒有立竿見影的效果,更非一般民眾高度關心的領域,但這些議題對長期經濟的影響,可能遠超過關稅削減及市場開放。



以經濟合作議題為例,是在以競爭為基礎的市場自由化原則下,創造出雙方產業互補關係的重要途徑。但是,受到外交政治等因素影響,我國以往藉由「政府對政府」的經濟合作機制,沒有帶動太多有效的產業合作經驗,也缺乏宏觀、整體的策略,做為推動雙邊合作的指引藍圖。因此,在FTA經濟合作方向的擬定上,就可能變成散彈打鳥,無法極大化FTA的潛在利益。



再以檢驗檢疫為例,農產品的最低殘留值標準一向是台美間的爭論焦點,汽車、藥物、化妝品與醫療器材等產品的檢驗標準,也是各國在台商會不斷質疑的對象。檢驗檢疫是維護境內消費者健康與安全的重要關卡,但WTO與FTA也多強調要與國際標準接軌,並應以科學方法進行風險評估。因此,如何在維護消費者權益及促進貿易之間取得平衡,已非單純的技術層面問題,而必須提升其決策位階。另一個關聯的議題,則是跨境消費者保護的合作;因為現代資訊科技發達,消費者透過網際網路與電子商務平台,跨越國境買賣有形、無形商品,已是家常便飯,如何透過FTA的簽定,以落實自由貿易及強化消費者保護,同為下世代議題須關注的重心。即使是近期非常熱門的環評問題,也可能納入FTA的談判範圍;愈來愈多的FTA中,已開始針對環保決策的公眾參與、透明化及溝通程序,訂出具體的要求。



下世代的貿易與投資議題範疇,自然不會只侷限於上述的課題,而是隨著科技、市場需求的改變而動態演變,使我國推動FTA的工作更具挑戰性;特別是這些新興的議題,勢必將使許多原本與FTA談判不相干的部會,也要加入FTA的協商談判,但各部會談判經驗與能量的落差,乃至於對FTA理解上的差異,都有必要儘速開始調整,更需要深化對非傳統議題的立場研究,以免「跟誰談」的問題解決後,卻得繼續面對「談什麼」的煩惱。





【2010/11/17 經濟日報】 @ http://udn.com/

2010年10月29日 星期五

中國稀土解禁 再開放運美日歐

 
稀土礦業人士說,中國無預警停止對歐美和日本的稀土出口後,28日突然解禁,不過對日本的出口作業仍有一些麻煩。
《紐約時報》報導,中國在9月21日停止運交稀土給日本,10月18日對歐美展開禁運。但是,業者表示,中國海關28日上午已恢復對這三地的稀土出口作業,只是運往日本的貨品仍然受到額外審查,作業有點延誤。
和開始禁運一樣,中國官方並未正式承認禁運結束,中國海關總署的兩個部門28日晚拒絕評論稀土出口現況,處理貿易政策的商務部也未立即評論。
中國是在美國國務卿希拉蕊宣布將到中國訪問之後一天半,對稀土出口解禁。希拉蕊27日在檀香山與日本外相前原誠司會談後說,中國中止稀土出口有如醍醐灌頂,使美日體認到自己必須尋找別的供應來源。
希拉蕊說,她30日在海南島與中國國務委員戴秉國會談時,將提出中國停止稀土出口的問題。由於時差,希拉蕊莉發表談話時,中國已恢復稀土的出口作業。
中國控制全球95%的稀土產量,過去五年卻一再減少稀土出口配額,遠不足以應付全球需求。稀土金屬對製造各種高科技產品不可或缺,而全球需要的中國稀土一年接近5萬公噸,可是中國今年的出口配額只有3萬300公噸,目前只剩下幾千公噸,每公噸價格飛漲到大約4萬美元。
中國限制稀土出口,導致稀土金屬在海外價格比在中國高出多達十倍,更加鼓勵廠商把工廠遷到中國,以就地取材降低成本。
中國只對稀土成分占50%以上的原料規定出口限額,而歐美大多向中國購買高度加工的粉末,因此稀土禁運對它們影響不大,不像日本大多進口稀土自行加工。
日本雖對中國的禁運表示震驚,不過日本企業近年來已囤積大量稀土,沒有工廠因供應不繼而停擺。
【2010/10/29 聯合晚報】 @ http://udn.com/

2010年10月16日 星期六

Lamy says more and more products are “Made in the World

http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/sppl_e/sppl174_e.htm

Director-General Pascal Lamy, in his speech to the French Senate in Paris on 15 October, asked for a new way to look at trade statistics, noting that the country of origin of goods has gradually become obsolete as various operations, from design to manufacture of components and assembly, have spread across the world. He cited the example of an iPod that may be imported from China but a lot of its value come from the United States and other countries. This is what he said:




Globalization of the Industrial Production Chains and Measuring International Trade in Value Added





Mr J. Arthuis, Chairman of the Senate’s Finance Commission,

Representatives of the Government and Institutions of the French Republic,

Ambassadors and representatives of WTO Members and Observers,

Esteemed experts,

Ladies and Gentlemen



It is a great honour for me to be here among you today to open, together with my friend Jean Arthuis, this conference on a subject that is particularly close to my heart.



It must be fairly unusual for the Senate to host, within its ornamental walls, a statistical seminar. But that we should meet here to examine the statistical aspects of the measurement of foreign trade in the light of the new challenges brought about by globalization is an all-time first, and I am grateful to the Senate for realizing the importance of the subject. The challenge is not only for statisticians, but also, and above all, for the decision makers responsible for ensuring the proper conduct of domestic and international policy.



Public affairs and official statistics have long been good bedfellows. The original idea was to draw up an inventory of the Prince’s wealth in an essentially agrarian economy. Statistical production has evolved according to need in an economy that became increasingly complex following the industrial revolution and the advent of the service society the intangible products of human activity that are a headache not only for statisticians, but also for trade negotiators. But national accounts continue to be based on the idea of an inventory of what is “ours” and what is “theirs” (in technical language, the notion of “resident” and “non resident” in establishing the country’s balance sheet, its balance of payments).



When the needs of economic and social policy change, statistics must follow along, and better late than never. It took the 1929 crisis for national accounting, invented by the Physiocrats in the 18th Century, to take over, after the second world war, as the main economic frame of reference for both decision makers and statisticians. As a result, analysts had better statistical tools for testing their theories and coming up with new theories: while analytical progress leads the way for statistics, it is statistics, in their turn, that correct and alter our perception of economic and social phenomena, enabling theory to put forward new interpretations.



It may not be a coincidence that the recent global crisis, unprecedented in its intensity since the Great Depression, revived analysts’ interest in improving the statistical instruments on which States rely in analysing economic trends and determining what policies to adopt. The fact that statistics rely on analytical progress to improve their figures and that political decision makers use them to guide their choices enhances the public debate. More often than not, these statistical improvements take place progressively thanks to greater conceptual precision, to increased efficiency in the methods used, and to added efforts to produce data.



In approaching the matter that brings us together here today, what we will be doing is taking a quantum leap and examining, from a different angle, two of the underlying concepts of international trade and balance of payments statistics, namely the notion of country of origin, and the concept of resident as opposed to non resident.



In the 19th Century, when Ricardo developed what was to become the foundations of international trade theory, countries exported what they produced. In fact, the industrial revolution took root in countries that had coal mines and iron ore. A Portuguese entrepreneur importing a steam engine from England would know that everything from the steel of the wheels to the boiler pressure gauge came from the United Kingdom. Similarly, an English club importing Port wine for its members could be sure that it came from Portugal.



Today, Port wine is still of Portuguese origin. Thanks to progress on registered designations of origin, the English importer today is in fact more certain of this than his 19th Century counterpart. However, the concept of country of origin for manufactured goods has gradually become obsolete as the various operations, from the design of the product to the manufacture of the components, assembly and marketing have spread across the world, creating international production chains. Nowadays, more and more products are “Made in the World” rather than “Made in the UK” or “Made in France”.



Most likely “Made in China”, you might add!



This is what many people today mistakenly believe. What we call “Made in China” is indeed assembled in China, but what makes up the commercial value of the product comes from the numerous countries that preceded its assembly in China in the global value chain, from its design to the manufacture of the different components and the organization of the logistical support to the chain as a whole. In other words, the production of goods and services can no longer be considered “monolocated”, but rather, “multilocated”. As a result, the notion of “relocation”, which made sense in the past when referring to the production of a product or service at a single location, loses much of its meaning. If I relocate a segment of the production chain for reasons of economies of scale, and others relocate to my area for the same reasons, the impact on my total value added, i.e. roughly speaking, my employment, may be neutral, negative or positive; and nowadays, it is this balance that we have to look at very closely. If we continue, in this context, to base our economic policy decisions on incomplete statistics, our analyses could be flawed and lead us to the wrong solutions.



For instance, every time an iPod is imported to the United States, the totality of its declared customs value (150 dollars) is ascribed as if it were an import from China, contributing a bit more to the trade imbalance between the two countries. But if we look at the national origin of the added value incorporated in the final product, we note that a significant share corresponds to reimportation by the US, and the rest to the bilateral balance with Japan or Korea which should be allocated according to their contribution to that added value. In fact, according to American researchers, less than 10 of the 150 dollars actually come from China, and all the rest is just re exportation. In the circumstances, a re evaluation of the yuan — a topic which is very much in vogue these days — would only have a modest impact on the sales price of the final product and would probably not restore the competitiveness of competing products manufactured elsewhere.



Similarly, the statistical bias created by attributing the full commercial value to the last country of origin can pervert the political debate on the origin of the imbalances and lead to misguided, and hence counter-productive, decisions. Reverting to the symbolic case of the bilateral deficit between China and the United States, a series of estimates based on true domestic content cuts the deficit by half, if not more.



This impression is confirmed by other figures, if we accept to “debilateralize” them: if we look at the US trade deficit with Asia rather than its bilateral deficit with China, we note a remarkable stability over the past 25 years at something like 2 to 3 per cent of the United States’ GDP.



As for the impact on employment — understandably a rather sensitive issue in these times of economic crisis — once again the result can be surprising. Reverting to the case of the iPod, another study by the same authors estimates that on a global scale, its manufacture accounted for 41,000 jobs in 2006 of which 14,000 were located in the United States, 6,000 of them professional posts. Since American workers are more qualified and better paid, they earned more than 750 million dollars, while only 320 million less than half — went to workers abroad.



In this example, case studies have shown that the innovating country earns most of the profits; but traditional statistics tend to focus on the last link of the chain, the one which ultimately earns the least. Don’t get me wrong, I am not saying that this is always the case and that relocations always create more jobs than they destroy. You will probably have the opportunity to discuss the matter here.



But I simply wanted to highlight the paradoxes and the misunderstandings that arise when new phenomena are measured using old methods. Statistical survey experts know very well that “if you ask the wrong person, you will get the wrong answer”. Similarly, if you analyse a phenomenon using the wrong “measurements”, you will reach the wrong conclusions.



As pointed out in a study published in 2009 by the Senate on the measurement of France’s foreign trade, “traditional measurement of foreign trade alone no longer suffices to explain how [the country] fits into the world economy”. In other words, the time has come to explore new channels so that accounting and statistical systems can take account of the new geography of international trade in an economy which, in the words of the American Tom Friedman, has flattened under the influence of globalization and internationalization of production relations. In today’s world, the old mercantilist notion of “us” against “them”, of “resident” against “rest of world”, has lost much of its meaning.



However, to avoid any misunderstandings on the WTO’s objectives in this new area of research, I would like to say to the statisticians here today that we are certainly not “deconstructing” the national and international statistical system or “displacing” certain elements of that system. On the contrary, we are trying to “relocate” and “reorganize” in a more integrated context the sparse information available today in different and separate subsectors of the existing systems. Although it is true that today, the notion of resident/non resident has lost some of its relevance when it comes to understanding the microeconomic reality of world value chains, the fact remains that it is the concept of national territory that counts when it comes to public policy. Similarly, national accounts must remain the unifying framework for the different statistical subsystems.



The challenge, then, is to find the right statistical bridges between the different national accounting systems in order to ensure that international interactions resulting from globalization are properly reflected and to facilitate cross border dialogue between national decision makers. This reconstruction work, involving a more structural incorporation of national trade, industrial and employment statistics in a globalized vision, clearly has to rely on reinforced statistical cooperation among multilateral organizations. And I would like to stress, here, the coordinating role that has to be played by organizations like the OECD, Eurostat, the specialized United Nations Agencies and the Monetary Fund — not to mention the WTO — in this revision project.



Let me conclude by thanking, once again, the Senate’s Financial Commission for taking the initiative of organizing this conference, and all of the participants who were willing to share their knowledge and experience with us. We need only consult the speaker’s list to see that the discussions will be on a high scientific and technical level. The reputation for wisdom associated with the discussions of this illustrious institution serves as a guarantee that high quality technical proposals will ultimately fall upon attentive and competent ears.



Finally, I would like to thank the participants who responded to the joint invitation by the Senate and the WTO, in particular the representatives of the permanent missions and observers who travelled from Geneva or from their capitals for this occasion. Their presence here bears testimony to their interest in these discussions that are so crucial to understanding international trade today, and I am certain that your work here in the Senate will help to enlighten our debates in Geneva.